New Delhi: Yemen's Houthi rebels fired a ballistic missile that landed near Tel Aviv, Israel's busy commercial center, on Sunday. The rebel leader, Abdul Malik al-Houthi, claimed responsibility, stating that the missile successfully bypassed Israel's advanced air defense systems. While the attack resulted in no casualties, it heightened already delicate regional tensions as the conflict in Gaza, triggered by Hamas' October 7 attack, approached its first anniversary.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu swiftly responded, warning the Iran-backed Houthis of severe consequences for their actions. Although the missile caused minimal damage—shattering glass at a train station and injuring a few civilians on their way to shelters—the symbolic nature of this incident is significant. This attack marks the latest escalation involving the Houthis, who have become increasingly involved in the Gaza conflict as part of a broader network of militias known as Iran's Axis of Resistance.

The incident has raised questions about how a militia in war-torn Yemen has acquired the capability to carry out such long-range missile attacks.

Origins of the Houthis' Missile Capabilities

The Houthis' ability to obtain and launch ballistic missiles stems from historical arms caches, Iranian assistance, and arms trafficking. The group, officially called Ansar Allah, grew from a grassroots religious movement in the 1990s into a powerful militia equipped with advanced weapons. Since the outbreak of the Yemeni civil war in 2015, the Houthis have built their missile arsenal through three main sources:

Yemeni Government Missiles

During the Cold War, Yemen was divided into North and South, with each side receiving military aid from rival superpowers. Yemen initially acquired Scud missiles from the Soviet Union in the 1970s. Over time, various ballistic and surface-to-air missiles were added to Yemen's stockpiles, including those from North Korea, Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the United States.

The 1994 Yemeni civil war saw the deployment of these missiles, and by the time the Houthis gained prominence in the 2000s, they had access to many outdated but operational missile systems. Between 2004 and 2010, the Houthis repeatedly looted government armories, securing missiles and other heavy weapons. However, their missile capabilities expanded significantly in 2015, after they allied with former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh.

Arms Supply and Tactical Training by Iran

Since the start of the Yemeni civil war, the Houthis have heavily relied on Iran for missile components, training, and launch techniques. While Iran has never openly admitted its support, the US and coalition forces have intercepted numerous Iranian missile shipments heading to Yemen.

According to the book *The Missile War in Yemen* by Ian Williams and Shaan Shaikh, debris from missile strikes has contained Farsi inscriptions and Iranian manufacturing labels. Iran's supply of missiles like the Burkan series, the Quds-1 cruise missile, and the Sayyad-2C surface-to-air missile has boosted the Houthis' long-range strike capabilities.

One of Iran's strategic advantages is its ability to smuggle missile parts into Yemen through covert routes. These include land passages through Oman, secret shipments across the Arabian Sea, and smuggling through unregulated ports along Yemen's Red Sea coast. Often, the missiles arrive in pieces and are assembled in Houthi-controlled regions with Iranian support.

Spoils of War

The Saudi-led coalition, which backs Yemen's internationally recognized government, has inadvertently supplied weapons to the Houthis through battlefield losses and mishaps. Houthi forces have captured rocket launchers, anti-tank missiles, and other equipment from Saudi forces or their allies.

In 2015, a failed air-drop by the Saudi coalition resulted in the Houthis seizing a shipment of RPG-26 variants. The Houthis wasted no time displaying their spoils, with one leader even holding a thank-you note addressed to Saudi King Salman. Although some of these captured weapons have included advanced missile systems, they represent a less significant source compared to Iranian aid and Yemen’s own stockpiles.

In recent years, the Houthis have also shown an increased capability in using unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs). Drones have become a key part of their arsenal, with a clear influence from Iran. The Houthis' Sammad drone series, used in one-way "suicide" missions, is similar to Iranian drone models like the Sayad.

The Houthi-Iran Alliance: Why Iran Supports the Houthis

The Houthis are part of a growing network of Iran-backed militias and factions, including Hezbollah in Lebanon and various Shiite militias in Iraq. For Iran, the Houthis represent a low-cost, high-impact proxy force capable of destabilizing the Arabian Peninsula and extending Iran's influence into the Red Sea, a crucial global trade route.

The Bab-el-Mandeb Strait, which links the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean, is one of the world's most critical maritime chokepoints. By supporting the Houthis, Iran gains leverage over this vital corridor, potentially disrupting global oil and trade flows. This strategy allows Iran to challenge US and Saudi dominance in the region.

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